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The Devil Within
MONEY AND LOGOS
Is there a relationship between the birth of the rational mentality and the development of commercial economy? In the 7th century B.C.E., a whole series of tightly connected social changes took place in the Ionian Greek cities of Asia Minor. It is precisely during this epoch that the rational mentality arose, at the time when maritime commercial culture began to experience its first great development.
In a short period of time, things moved from tribal social structures and ancient monarchy to the political form typical of the Greek city-states. The kinship and religious ties of the landed aristocracy gave way to a new kind of social ties in which the individual was valued above all on the basis of his property: luxury very quickly becomes a political institution. The same aristocrats who had formerly based their power on land ownership and warrior virtue began to acquire wealth first by rigging pirate ships for sea robbery and later by rigging merchant ships for commerce itself. The aristocrat started to invest his property on the sea.
A new form of domination arose, a plutocratic aristocracy that began to concentrate political power and the administration of justice in itself. The wealth that came from the land allowed it to arm merchant ships which reached the farthest ports of the Mediterranean. The usurious loan was developed to a high degree increasingly immiserating the peasant class. Class struggle developed between the peasants and the aristocrats. A third class soon intervened as an intermediary, namely, the merchant class. They were the ancient demiurges, that is to say, the first master artisans who were accustomed to taking their work from city to city, who acquired power through commerce. They were the cadets of the noble class who had been excluded from hereditary rights and therefore began to acquire wealth on the sea. In short, it was about a new wealthy class that rose with the development of maritime commerce. This new class at times sided with the aristocracy and at times with the people, increasing or moderating the class conflicts in accordance with it’s own interests.
The dominant regime is thus political particularism, the spirit of competition taken to the highest degree, the domination of the census and of wealth. The ruling oligarchy was forced to take an ever-increasing interest in the political events of the city. It gradually lost its nobility and superiority of descent as personal wealth increased; the importance of family and birth diminished in the face of the individual and of money. Class struggles sharpened to such a degree, particularly in the commercially wealthiest cities, that at a certain point a new form of mediation intervened in order to annul it: legislation. Written law (nomos) to which citizens were subject and to which they could turn in order to demand their rights became necessary. The right is separated from politics. This is a fact of enormous historical importance that was developed to the fullest extent not so much in the Greek colonies of Asia Minor as in the western colonies of the Greater Greece. We will see that it was really here that mathematical thought developed and that the philosophical school that had Parmenides as its greatest representative arose.
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The Shortest and Surest Way to Understand Basic Economics
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The Georgetown Law Journal
By Judith A. Shapiro
strategy of tension
The strategy of tension (Italian: strategia della tensione) is a theory that describes how to divide, manipulate, and control public opinion using fear, propaganda, disinformation, psychological warfare, agents provocateurs, and false flag terrorist actions.
The theory began with allegations that the United States government and the Greek military junta of 1967–1974 supported far-right terrorist groups in Italy and Turkey, where communism was growing in popularity, to spread panic among the population who would in turn demand stronger and more dictatorial governments.
It was primarily members and international supporters of the Italian Communist Party who invented and popularized the term "strategy of tension". They meant to draw attention to the crimes of the Italian Right and Far-Right parties who were allegedly supported by the foreign belligerents.
Much attention has been on Operation Gladio, Italy's branch of the secret pre-positioned NATO "stay-behind" armies of Western Europe. These armies were set up to perform resistance, partisan, and guerrilla activities in the event of Soviet invasion; equivalent units were set up by other NATO members in their states. It is claimed that Gladio units were engaged in destabilization at the behest of the United States and other Western governments, intelligence agencies (e.g., the CIA), the P2 masonic lodge, the Order of the Solar Temple, various Church-related organizations, and domestic influences such as organized crime. The claims are backed by judicial proof which establish that European fascist dictatorships of the time (the Greek junta and the secret services of Francisco Franco) were heavily involved in supporting and arming Italian neo-fascist and neo-nazi groups such as Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale. For instance, Avanguardia Nazionale hitman Pierluigi Concutelli used an Ingram MAC-10 SMG to assassinate magistrate Vittorio Occorsio in the 1970s. It has been proven that Avanguardia Nazionale secured the weapon from the CIA via Franchist Spain.
Carlo Digilio, an Italian neofascist codenamed "Uncle Otto" coordinated CIA activities in the Italian Regions of Veneto and Friuli from the 1960s to the 1970s, recruiting former fascists to serve the NATO and U.S. interests in Italy. He himself had been recruited in Verona by U.S. Navy captain David Carrett.
These groups began to pursue an ostensibly extreme right-wing anti-communist agenda using violent means, including false flag bombings that were then blamed on extra-parliamentary left-wing militant organizations, to discredit the political Left in general at a time in Italy when the Italian Communist Party was very close to entering government. It should be noted that the actions carried out by these extreme groups were meant primarily to agitate and control public opinion, creating fears about the Communist Party. At the time, they created massive public concern and widespread paranoia.
According to the "strategia della tensione" theory, this was deliberate. Examples of such actions include the 1972 Peteano bombing, long thought to have been carried out by the Red Brigades, but for which the neofascist terrorist Vincenzo Vinciguerra has been imprisoned, the attempted assassination of former Interior Minister Mariano Rumor on 17 May 1973 or the Bologna railway station bombing known as the Bologna massacre of 1980.
The Guardian (UK), in an article published on June 24, 2000, reported that the parliamentarians of the Left Democrats, wrote a report to a subcommittee of the Italian Parliament about what they viewed as United States support for 'anti-left terror in Italy', and the activities of Gladio. The report by the Left Democrats claimed that the aim of this alleged support for Gladio was to make the public think that the bombings were committed by a communist insurgency, to promote the formation of an authoritarian government, and to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI) from joining the ruling Democrazia Cristiana (DC) in a national unity government (the "Historic Compromise" between Aldo Moro and Enrico Berlinguer, respective leaders of the DC and of the PCI).
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An Ideal Relationship?
Relationships are organized around the dynamic interplay of opposing tendencies as they are enacted in interaction.
Strategies for Coping with Dialectical Tensions
‘Autarky’ is invariably used pejoratively to mean self-government in a manner condemned by the speaker. A regime is autarkic if it tries to be self-sufficient by cutting off trade and intercourse with the rest of the world.
More than just money: differing morals at the heart of US economic divide
Herbert Hoover was wrong about America. During a press conference in February 1931 – amid the depths of the Great Depression – he famously warned that the American values of “rugged individualism” risked being diluted by “European-styled socialism”.
Hoover suggested that the Depression presented a dilemma as to “whether the American people, on one hand, will maintain the spirit of charity and mutual self-help through voluntary giving and the responsibility of local government, as distinguished on the other hand, from appropriations out of the Federal Treasury for such purposes”.
In short, his fear was that too much federal involvement would weaken the bonds of local connection and civil society, displacing religious and charitable organisations and undermining American ideals.
Hoover was wrong because – as Franklin Roosevelt showed in the New Deal – American values were not exclusively individualist. Instead, they also contained an important egalitarian, if not communitarian, commitment to fairness.
In recent weeks, Hoover’s arguments have been resuscitated by conservative intellectual Charles Murray. In a widely commented-upon new book, Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010, Murray advances the thesis that a decline in basic individual values – most importantly, of industriousness – explains an erosion of social mobility and America’s exceptionalist identity.
To be sure, in describing the fragmented nature of American society, there is much to commend in Murray’s account. He describes a society in which elites and the general public have equally withdrawn from community engagement. However, his view is fundamentally flawed as he emphasises the pervasive effects of excessive statism to explain societal trends over a period in which the state has been in more or less continual retreat from its postwar peak of influence.
Indeed, that his argument kicks off in November 1963, with the premature end of the Kennedy administration, is somewhat telling, as it was Kennedy who – as Ronald Reagan later stressed – inaugurated the current trend to cutting taxes.
To be sure, no single variable explains the social, economic and demographic shifts that have characterised the past half-century. Yet a lack of individualism is not the problem. Murray would have seen this, had he offered a more encompassing view. Contrary to free-market nostrums, post-Depression era America was marked by the extensive use of wage and price controls, which derived considerable popular legitimacy from a commitment to fairness.
Indeed, Republican President Eisenhower advanced a doctrine of “shared responsibility” for economic stability. Such appeals in turn succeeded only by virtue of the existence of a postwar trust in government: in 1958, 73% of Americans stated that they could trust the government either “just about always” or “most of the time”. Moreover, this trust was paralleled by a mass scepticism in markets, as only 14% of Americans blamed government for economic instability.
What explains the demise of these controls, and the broader sense of fairness upon which they relied? Over the 1960s and 1970s, the experiences of Vietnam and Watergate would undermine faith in government, giving rise to a much more libertarian ethos. By 1978, only 25% of Americans would assert that they could trust the government “just about always” or “most of the time” by 1980. Paralleling these general shifts, the percent of the public blaming government for inflation would rise from 14% in 1959 to 51% in 1978.
As scepticism in government assumed the force of a self-fulfilling prophecy, successive inflationary crises – in the “great stagflations” of the 1970s – and financial crises – from the savings and loan crises of the late 1980s to the global financial crisis of recent years – wracked the US economy. Yet with each crisis, the wave of deregulation has been advanced in tandem.
In this light, Murray may be underrating the importance of a communitarian ethos, as his Tea Party-styled libertarian values might be juxtaposed against the Occupy Wall Street-styled view on display in say, the revived communitarianism of Elizabeth Warren.
In a widely-circulated clip, Warren recently asserted the case for an alternative view of American exceptionalism, arguing that “there is nobody in this country who got rich on his own. Nobody. You built a factory out there? Good for you. But I want to be clear: you moved your goods to market on the roads the rest of us paid for; you hired workers the rest of us paid to educate … God bless. Keep a big hunk of it. But part of the underlying social contract is you take a hunk of that and pay forward for the next kid who comes along.”
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How to catch wild pigsBy Thornton Parsons
This parable has been around for quite some time, however, it rings truer today than ever. Freedom is at stake, and if Socialism wins, we’ll all be captured.
A chemistry professor at a large college had some exchange students in the class. One day while the class was in the lab the Professor noticed one young man (exchange student) who kept rubbing his back, and stretching as if his back hurt. The professor asked the young man what was the matter. The student told him he had a bullet lodged in his back. He had been shot while fighting communists in his native country who were trying to overthrow his country’s government and install a new communist government.
In the midst of his story he looked at the professor and asked a strange question. He asked, “Do you know how to catch wild pigs?” The professor thought it was a joke and asked for the punch line.
The young man said that this was no joke. “You catch wild pigs by finding a suitable place in the woods and putting corn on the ground. The pigs find it and begin to come every day to eat the free corn. When they are used to coming every day, you put a fence down one side of the place where they are used to coming. When they get used to the fence, they begin to eat the corn again and you put up another side of the fence. They get used to that and start to eat again.”
“You continue until you have all four sides of the fence up with a gate in the last side. The pigs, who are used to the free corn, start to come through the gate to eat; you slam the gate on them and catch the whole herd. Suddenly the wild pigs have lost their freedom. They run around and around inside the fence, but they are caught.”
“Soon they go back to eating the free corn. They are so used to it that they have forgotten how to forage in the woods for themselves, so they accept their captivity.”
The young man then told the professor that is exactly what he sees happening to America. The government keeps pushing us toward socialism and keeps spreading the free corn out in the form of programs such as supplemental income, tax credit for unearned income, tobacco subsidies, dairy subsidies, payments not to plant crops (CRP), welfare, medicine, drugs, etc. While we continually lose our freedoms—just a little at a time.
Most people only hear about the 47% of the nation who pay no income taxes and are dependent on government assistance. They don’t think about the corporate end of the spectrum; those who pay no income taxes, or very low income taxes, and are dependent on the government for bailout assistance. So, now what percent of the nation do you think has been captured like wild pigs? The takeover is almost complete.
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This booklet contains the text of a most revealing and shocking interview of a Jew by the name of Harold Rosenthal, which was conducted in 1976, by a concerned patriot, a Walter White, Jr.. Mr. Rosenthal, an influential Jew learned in the Jewish ways and involved in the workings of government in Washington, D.C., explained the Jewish involvement and cause of the major problems we face today.
Rosenthal, in exposing certain aspects of the 'inner invisible world of Jewry', revealed the modes and tactics Jews have used in destroying Christian civilization and covertly attaining control over our lives and governments. The result has been a 'hidden tyranny' upon us like the tyranny waged against the Saints by the red beast system of Revelation referred to as 'Mystery Babylon'.
But how could such a small number of Jews enslave so many people and gain such an overwhelming control over their governments, especially without their being aware of it? The answer to this may be found in Christ's parable of the unjust steward, which represents Jewry. They are able to prevail in the world despite their ungodly ways because of their cunning and shrewd ways. As Christ said "For the children of this world are in their generation wiser than the children of light." (Luke 16:8)
In other words, the Jew, with his worldly mind set, is wiser than God's Christian people. When you read the words of Mr. Rosenthal the reality of this statement will come to light. This problem was so prevalent and important for us to overcome that Christ had instructed us to "be wise as serpents". (Matthew 10:16)
America and the world is now covered in political, economic, moral and social problems which need to be acted upon by Christian people. As Edmund Burke stated: "The only thing necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing." But before we can properly act we need a proper (not just a superficial) understanding of the problem. This booklet will help provide the reader with that understanding.
In the manuscript the emphasis shown as underline text has been added while that in bold is per original. The footnote comments and illustration have been added by myself.
-- Charles A. Weisman June, 1992
The Hidden Tyranny
In a highly confidential interview with a Jewish administrative assistant to one of this nation's ranking senators, he said, "It is a marvel that the American people do not rise up and drive every Jew out of this country."
The Jew, Mr. Harold Wallace Rosenthal, made this statement after admitting Jewish dominance in all significant national programs. He said,
"We Jews continue to be amazed with the ease by which (Christian Americans have fallen into our hands. While the naive Americans wait for Khrushchev to bury them, we have taught them to submit to our every command." (This submission has been made possible by the gradual adoption of Talmudic concepts as being Christian, thus producing a Jewish society. It is what Rabbi Martin Siegel call, "the Judaization of Christianity.")
When asked how a nation could be captured without their knowing it, Mr. Rosenthal attributed this victory to absolute control of the media. He boasted of Jewish control of all the Media. Any newspaper which refused to absolute control of the media. He boasted of Jewish control of all the Media. Any newspaper which refused to acquiesce to controlled news was brought to its knees by withdrawing advertising. Failing in this, the Jews stop the supply of news print and ink. "It's a very simple matter," he stated.
When asked about men in high political office, Mr. Rosenthal said that no one in the last three decades has achieved any political power without Jewish approval. "Americans have not had a presidential choice since 1932 when [Franklin] Roosevelt was our man; every president since Roosevelt has been our man." (Even before Roosevelt the Jewish influence upon Woodrow Wilson (1913-21) was quite evident, as Henry Ford wrote in 1921 -- "Mr. Wilson, while President, was very close to the Jews. His administration, as everyone knows, was predominantly Jewish." The International Jew, Dearborn Publishing Co., III, p. 28-9).
In a discussion about George Wallace, Mr. Rosenthal smiled and suggested that we note where Wallace stands today. When the U.S. foreign policy was mentioned, the bedroom confidence of the interview was all but set aside. With disdain and mockery he sneered at the American stupidity in failing to see through the entire scope of Kissinger foreign policy. "It is Zionist-Communist policy from beginning to end. Yet the citizens think this Jewish policy will benefit America." (The reason for this is because the Jewish media refers to the "Zionist-Communist policy" as "American policy" pursuant to "Constitutional" provisions. Ignorance of our own system of government is the real issue here.) He cited 'detente' and Angola as examples of Jewish diplomacy. The credulous nature of Americans drew only contempt from him.
The interview continued on an almost omniscient plane.
"We Jews have put issue upon issue to the American people. Then we promote both sides of the issue as confusion reigns. With their eyes fixed on the issues, they fail to see who is behind every scene. We Jews toy with the American public as a cat toys with a mouse."
An Interview with Dr. Mariusz Ratajczak
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